Policy Innovation Blog

In a PICL

Stian Westlake - 22.06.2012

Where are the new ideas for UK economic growth?

The debate on how to help the UK's economy recover is changing gradually.

For a long time, it seemed to be mostly about macroeconomics: Plan A vs Plan B, and the big-picture business of how to get demand and confidence going again. But in recent months, there's been growing interest in microeconomic policy: everything from regulation and productivity to (whisper it) industrial policy.

This is a good thing - we at Nesta believe that there's plenty that can be done to help make the UK a more innovative place, and innovation is largely about micro, not macroeconomics. But there seems to be something missing from the debate.

The standard refrain seems not to have changed much from the balmy days before 2008, when the world of economics seemed a more sensible place. "PICL" to me sums up the sort of sensible but hardly unfamiliar policies that tend to get proposed:

Planning reform

Immigration

Competition

Labour market deregulation

None of these are bad policies in their way. And they are all evidence-based. It's difficult to get things built in the UK, and this affects everything from how productive our supermarkets are to how easy it is to grow tech clusters in places like Cambridge. Making it easier for highly-skilled people to work here is also an economic no-brainer: I'm not sure I've ever met an economist who is against highly skilled immigration. Most economists will also sign up to having strong competition policies and not overly tight labour regulations. And you'll find these recommendations repeated in lots of very sensible publications about the UK economy.

But how far do these recommendations get us? Planning reform and more liberal highly skilled immigration policy face political opposition, not economic opposition: in both cases, voters dislike them for reasons not much to do with economics. As far as competition policy and labour market deregulation are concerned, it's a different problem: we may simply have done about as much as is useful in these areas. We already have quite good competition policy and one of the world's more deregulated labour markets, and turning the dial even further may have little effect (or even a negative one).

So where do we go from here? A manifesto that consists of things that are politically impossible and things that have already been done is none too helpful, even if they are robustly well evidenced. But we don't want to spend large amounts of public money on policies that don't work.

One worthwhile avenue is to look at the emerging evidence for other types of policy. Researchers like John Van Reenen, Philippe Aghion and others are steadily building the evidence base for other sorts of micro policy, like business grants and sectoral subsidies - and in some cases they seem to work.

The other choice is to accept that we don't know exactly what works, but that we will experiment. Most countries that implemented apparently successful industrial policies, like Finland or Korea, had to try things out. But experimentation must be just that - a combination of trying things out and careful observation, with effective evaluation where possible, and a willingness to stop things that don't work. It's not economic policy as we know it. But it might just get us out of the PICL we're in. 

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ddeighton
25 Jun 12, 9:19am (9 months ago)

In a PILC

I seem to be a similar age to engineertony and I concur with most of his comments. What is missing from the current growth discourse is that the energy and resource intensity of societies, in the OECD at least is falling for the forseeable future.

The only way forward,to enable focussed creativity and ingenuity is to recognise this fact.

see http://trailblazerbusinessfutures.wordpress.com/2012/03/21/essential-value-and-resource-intensity/

engineertony
22 Jun 12, 1:20pm (9 months ago)

Where are the new ideas for economic growth?

Working people all watched hopefully when the National Research Development Corporation (NEDC)was established in 1947 to exploit the new ideas thrown up by the war. An exciting time as there was lots of army surplus in junk shops, scrap yards were crowded with guys looking for bits and pieces. Liverpool was badly damaged, Lewis's had half the building missing with partitions between the shop and a bomb site. Whole areas were flat with just wrecked buildings and rubble. The country had voted Labour to get rid of the old schoolboy toffs who had started the war but managed to stay away from it themselves, racketeering at home.
The class conflict had intensified and old soldiers were disappointed when nothing had changed. This was the scene for the new development corporation, and it lacked engineers and innovators, and opposition to socialism from big business made things difficult. Prime Minister Clement Atlee implemented all kinds of social reforms but the enterprising spirit was like communist Russia, zero. The Tories came back and reversed things in 1951, then Labour back again, then Tories, then Labour etc.
In 1975 the government established the National Enterprise Board (NEB) which lasted until the present Technology Strategy Board (NEB)in 2004. Nesta came in between somewhere.
None of these organisations found any innovation, not a single jet engine, electronic breakthrough, or even a Facebook or Google.
As the class war intensified the rich, privileged and well-connected decided that they would pull out of manufacturing and industry altogether and rely on Banking and financial services to make money. Heavy industry, coal mining, and a lot of manufacturing closed down. Many professionals left, usually called the brain drain, taking their loot with them. Stately homes fell into disrepair, working class expectations were raised.
So what we see today can only be fully understood by knowledge of UK history in the last 60 years. I've lived through most of it, and as an engineer I can see lots of the same mistakes being repeated today, in fact using lots of the same rhetoric, I often think these politicians cut and paste from Harold Wilson's 1960s speeches, with little idea of a solution.